Research on workers during the Covid-19 pandemic compounds this view of work as Christina Ong writes, “Southeast Asian workers working in meatpacking facilities described the fear of speaking out against poor labor conditions and feelings of being desensitized to COVID-related illness and death in their communities. Such findings raise questions about coping mechanisms that Asian and Pacific Islander workers in precarious industries use to deal with extreme risks and social pressures.”³ Even in careers which are legitimately dangerous and low paying, the burden to work and contribute to the family overrides any concerns about job satisfaction. Asian Americans are thus more likely to be dissatisfied with their work and yet still continue to perform well. The same class based dynamic where Asian Americans who work at low level blue collar jobs are forced to prioritize staying employed over being safe within their work and being content with it. Preeti Sharma’s analysis of Covid-19 reopening policies found that “such social relations are predicated on a need for, and the disposability, of Asian American nail salon worker’s affective labor to perform services rendering comfort and normalcy despite the risks of the virus.”⁴This source goes so far as to say that the dependency on Asian Americans and the expectation that they will work, in this case that they must work, was taken advantage of during the pandemic reopening.

When looking at the origins of this view on work and the meaning of work, several things about Asian American culture stand out. Several surveys have found that Asian American conceptions  of happiness and a more collectivist culture compared to Westerners may have an impact on the relationship between Asian Americans and work. Sheila Henderson’s study in 2005 found that there are two reasons for Asian Americans having lower job satisfaction even when “factors like occupation type, education, income, and age were taken into consideration”. Henderson explains that there are, “two explanations for this phenomenon: first, that Asian Americans have higher job expectations than other cultures; second, that jobs are not a source of happiness for Asian Americans as they may be for people with a Western orientation.”⁵ This supports the earlier idea that happiness is not necessarily a goal for a job but other factors supersede that for Asian Americans. Another aspect of Asian American culture which Henderson looks at is the trait of humility. As Henderson explains, “The authors of this study concluded that the Chinese culture’s emphasis on humility and modesty can shape a person to become less independent and autonomous. It is not hard to imagine that individuals who adhere to cultural values of modesty and self-effacement might find themselves being overlooked for promotions or advancement and might thus feel frustrated and unhappy”.⁶ This explanation of Asian American cultural values gives insight into the behaviors that are expected of Asian Americans and often inescapeable part of the Asian American work experience. Unlike some of the other factors discussed, certain ideals and behaviors which are perceived as being “Asian” can serve as a silent but negative influence on work satisfaction. The other part of this theory which discusses higher expectations coincides with the model minority myth which is broadly applied to Asian Americans. Both within the culture and as seen by outsiders, Asian Americans are associated with high paying and highly educated careers such as physicians and engineers so when Asian Americans are unable to secure these jobs, they are naturally unsatisfied with their work since the outside view is also unfavorable of “less prestigious” careers. This emphasis of prestige within Asian American culture explains why even though “It is also reported that Asian American are more like Euro-Africans in income, educational attainment, academic performance, and occupational representation” that “Pair-wise comparisons were significant between Euro-American and Asian Americans."⁷ This study which surveyed Asian Americans and Euro Americans compared each demographic to their years of education, income, white-collar percentage, and job satisfaction supports the idea that culture has a major impact on how people view their work. The positive aspect of Asian American cultural beliefs must also be considered as the collectivist culture can lead to a better relationship with work as Asian Americans are focused on the greater good of an organization in the same way that they are expected to contribute to their families and larger social structures. For example, a study on Asian nurses in the US found that “all the participants had median to high scores on collectivist orientation and organisational commitment” because “people born in the East Asia and raised in a collectivist culture are more collectivistic.”⁸ This orientation towards collectivism gives an opposite influence compared to the negative influences of culture by leading Asian Americans to form bonds easier and find community within work.

 An interesting caveat to the theories discussed earlier is that they primarily rely on the experiences and beliefs of immigrants and those who have not been particularly vulnerable to the effects of acculturation. It is very interesting, though, to examine the effects of acculturation on younger generations and how they view work. Although acculturation tends to have negative effects in general, often assimilating to more Western understandings of work satisfaction can have positive effects on the relationship between Asian Americans and their work lives. Nguyen conducted a study on faculty at universities and their career satisfaction and found, “Acculturation also played a role in understanding career satisfaction. For those born overseas, an API cultural orientation predicted higher career satisfaction. This may be because they actually felt more satisfied, or because they reported higher career satisfaction due to the API values of contentment (being satisfied with what one has) or fatalism (accepting things as they are."⁹ Nguyen argues that keeping cultural values can actually boost career satisfaction which may help offer an explanation for how Evelyn draws happiness from her work without much on the surface level that is exciting or fulfilling. On the other hand, Henderson proposes the opposite explanation by writing, “At the same time, current findings indicate that happiness and well-being are culturally influenced but not culturally deterministic. Asian clients who are more acculturated to Western orientations may express themselves more individualistically.”¹⁰ This idea that assimilating to Western culture and adopting an individualistic point of view where one favors their own happiness over collective groups definitely has potential to be true but is more applicable to those who have felt a strong pull from acculturation such as those who are second generation or more exposed to Western culture.

Thus, the relationship between work and Asian Americans is influenced by various cultural factors, some negative and some positive. There is very little direct evidence of any values or influences leading to work dissatisfaction since the relationship is very complex and, as in the case of Evelyn from Everything Everywhere All at Once, can vary depending on time and place. Below, I analyze several depictions of work relationships within media and how these relate to the different concepts discussed above.